A look at recent records for the Republic of Lebanon reveals a myriad of problems: economic inequality marked by weak social spending, world-ranked public debt, poor infrastructure, and corruption among officials from the highest and lowest echelons of government. Though these problems seem characteristic of a backwards third-world nation, Lebanon has a unique economic and political history that demonstrates once-remarkable success turned into chaos. Under a laissez-faire system with nearly no capital controls, little restriction on foreigners conducting business, and a strict policy of banking secrecy, the country enjoyed the massive influx of wealth in being a preferable trading hub in a preferable geographic location. The Lebanese “Confessional System”- promising divided power in the government among the significant religious groups in the country- laid the groundwork for Lebanon’s ascension as a promising Middle Eastern democracy. Prosperity allowed unity among diversity. Soon enough, however, the country was confronted by external political pressures, exacerbating internal political problems caused by uneven distribution of wealth and divisions among sectarian lines. The resulting civil war lasted over a decade, devastating the economy and solidifying the existence of factional groups. More importantly, it introduced direct intervention from regional players Israel and, preeminently, Syria which would affect Lebanon’s future for years to come.
After 23 years of France’s post-World War I mandate, the creation of the Lebanese National Pact, an unwritten agreement between the Sunni, Shi’ite, and Maronite leaders permitted Lebanon to achieve stable independence. The Maronites, largely modern and pro-Western, agreed to accept Lebanon as an “Arab” country and not seek foreign intervention, in turn making the Muslims abandon hopes of uniting with Syria. Also created by the pact was the Confessional System, holding that the President was always to be Maronite, the Prime Minister Sunni, the Speaker of the House Shi’a, and the ratio of Parliament members 6:5 in favor of Christians to Muslims. By 1958, however, growing Pan-Arabist sentiments spread by Egypt’s Nasser captured significant portions of Lebanon, leading to a small-scale civil war between the Pan-Arabist and the pro-Western Christians over three key issues: the dominant Maronite composition of government, the friendly relationship between Lebanon and the West, and Lebanon’s stance in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Maronite President Camille Chamoun, a staunch supporter of the Eisenhower doctrine, called on the major Western powers for help when Armed Forces commander Fu’ad Shihab refused to commit the Lebanese Army to end the civil war, fearing disintegration and mutiny. Five thousand U.S. Marines were sent ashore to find little fighting for them, and the crisis blew over. Shihab, arising as a prominent leader, succeeded Chamoun as President and introduced several reforms that assisted in the nation’s prosperity, but regional changes would soon shake the country once more. [1]
Following Jordan’s clash with Palestinian groups and the Black September incidents of 1970, the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine sought a new base of operations. They began to set up “refugee camps” in Lebanon, a majority of which became well-armed fortresses containing thousands of members of the Fatah, the armed wing of the PLO. The PLO, led by Yasser Arafat, benefited from the now-deteriorating authority of the central government, seeking to administer a “state-within-a-state.” Given a safe haven by Lebanese Muslims and Druze in return for pressure on the Maronites, the Palestinians composed the largest private militia in the nation. At the time, the leading parties in Lebanon had formed into the Christian and Muslim “camps”: the Christians were primarily represented by the Phalange (Kataeb) and National Liberal (Ahrar) parties, led by Pierre Gemayel and Camille Chamoun, forming the Lebanese Front; the Muslims, including the Nasserites, Leftists, and Pan-Arabists, formed the National Movement, led by Kamal Jumblatt. Growing tensions exploded when in 1975, direct conflict began.[2] Two of Pierre Gemayel’s bodyguards were killed by unidentified gunmen, and Phalangist militia, in retaliation, attacked a Palestinian bus in the same neighborhood, killing 27. By 1976, the war had turned against the Maronites and was rapidly approaching defeat. Seeing this, President Suleiman Franjyeh called on Syria for help to end the war. Syria understood the implications of a Maronite defeat, which would entail a direct Israeli intervention and takeover of Lebanon to prevent it from falling under complete PLO control, and Syrian troops entered Lebanon in June 1976, occupying the port of Tripoli and the Bekaa Valley, under the Israeli-accepted Red Line Agreement, which prohibited Syrian troops from entering South Lebanon, placing Surface-to-air Missles in the occupied territories, and utilizing any of their air power against Christian forces. The Civil War had come to an “official” end, but the conflict was far from over. [3]Meanwhile, the Israelis provided arms and training to the Maronites, an effort that intensified with the election of the hard-line Menachem Begin in Israel. In 1978, eight Fatah militants launched a raid into Tel Aviv, killing 34 Israelis, prompting Israel to launch Operation Litani. Israeli forces attacked South Lebanon to destroy PLO infrastructure, but were soon ordered to leave by UN Resolution 425, which provided for the creation of a UN Peacekeeping force. Before withdrawing, Israel created a 10 sq. km buffer zone to be patrolled by Saad Haddad’s South Lebanese Army, in order for it to maintain its border security.[4]
Meanwhile, Christian resentment was high, with the knowledge that Syria’s leadership had never ideologically accepted Lebanon as an independent state, and that the Syrian forces would not be protectors, but occupiers. Retaking the offensive, Gemayel attempted to extend his authority into the Bekaa and stop Syria from re-installing Franjyeh as President by attacking the strategic city of Zahle, leading to a series of conflicts between Syrian forces and the Phalange militias. Syrian attack helicopters were ordered to attack Christian positions (in violation of the 1976 Red Line Agreement), and Gemayel called on Begin in Israel for help. Israeli fighter jets shot down two helicopters, leading to Syrian leader Hafez al-Assad to order SAMs placed around Zahle.[5]